Will resume posting next month - backpacking in Iberia (September 10-29)

The Philippines Needs a Constructive Armed Forces

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NOTE: Given the sad realities and dire straits of fellow Filipinos in the homeland, it is a rare occasion that we see a few individuals who may give us hope that the lights are not completely out.

(It is often frustrating and maddening to read or hear columnists, soldiers, politicians, businessmen, churchmen, etc. automatically, like parrots, charge and label those who speak out against the government and for the people as all "communists," etc. as if only communists really care for the ordinary man. That's how regressive, anachronistic and stunted their thinking is.)

Anyway, Here's an article by one of these few --obviously non-communist-- who speaks out; a relatively, young ex-military (PMA/West Point Class 1986) officer.

UPDATE: I found this news shockingly sad and an enormous loss to the homeland: minutes after posting this one, a relative emailed to say that former Captain Rene N. Jarque had a cardiac arrest last August 19 in Jakarta (he was to turn 41 in October). We seem to have only a "few good men" and for some reason, the homeland loses them. We wonder why them?

"Corruption is worse than prostitution. The latter might endanger the morals of an individual; the former invariably endangers the morals of the entire country." - Karl Kraus, 1874-1936.

"I helped the poor and they called me a saint, I asked why they were poor and they called me a Communist" – Brazilian Bishop Helder Camara

"The accomplish to the crime of corruption is frequently our own indifference." - Bess Myerson, 1924-present

"In all institutions from which the cold wind of open criticism is excluded, an innocent corruption begins to grow like a mushroom - for example, in senates and learned societies." - Friedrich Nietzsche, 1844-1900

“Nations whose NATIONALISM is destroyed are subject to ruin.” - Colonel Muhammar Qaddafi, 1942-, Libyan Political and Military Leader

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In this period of uncertainty, it is time for the armed forces, as the protector and defender of the people, to play a constructive role so that the nation can alter course with the right leaders and build a true democratic society so the people may have a firm hope in the future.
BY RENE N. JARQUE, Bulatlat

During the 1989 coup attempt I was a young lieutenant in the First Scout Ranger Regiment. After that disaster, I asked myself this question:

The ideals of democracy state that the Army stands for the people and not just the privileged few. However, political reality dictates that the Army is really of the constituted government. In our country, the government is the privileged few and their network of relatives and patrons. What then if the policies and actions of government do not coincide with the common aspirations and general welfare of the people. Should soldiers be guided by their collective conscience or by their strict military oath to obey their civilian leaders as embodied in the Constitution they have sworn to defend, in the same way the Centurions obeyed their decadent emperors, the way the Wermacht blindly obeyed Hitler? At this point, whose is the Army, the government’s or the people’s? To whom does the Army now owe its allegiance? To whom does it rightfully or conscientiously belong? (1)

Sixteen years after, that question is still very much relevant. Today, there is tremendous disenchantment with government and the public is in a restive mood. The economy is hobbling along burdened by poverty, foreign debt, high fuel prices, inflation, unemployment, budget deficit and uncontrolled population growth. Peace and order is unsteady with insurgency, terrorism and criminality. Corruption scandals plague the presidency and the military. Her Excellency is being accused of cheating in the last election and her spin doctors are taking the people for a ride in a circus of lies and deception. Our country today is being bamboozled by a discredited, crippled and insecure government which does not seem to have a clue, cannot get its act together and lacks the strength of character to lead the nation out of its misery. There is a crisis in national leadership and the people are confused and demoralized.

Once again, we are careening into political turmoil that threatens our fragile democracy. To some, the situation is ripe for a change in government and as such, there are calls for a “revolutionary government” and rumors of destabilization plots and coup d’etat abound. In this time of uncertainty and discontent, what should the military do? What should be its role? Should it intervene as in 1986 and 2001? What should the armed forces do to ensure that the government does not abuse its power, promote the welfare of the people while averting a civil revolution? Let us together explore these and other questions in this paper which is divided into three parts:
I. Armed Forces and the Constitution
II. Armed Forces in Philippine Society
III. Challenges Ahead for the Armed Forces

I. ARMED FORCES AND THE CONSTITUTION
The 1987 Constitution contains several provisions directly referring to the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). The most important of them and the subject of much debate is Article II, Section 3 which states that “Civilian authority is, at all times, supreme over the military. The Armed Forces of the Philippines is the protector of the people and the State. Its goal is to secure the sovereignty of the State and the integrity of the national territory.”

Fr. Joaquin Bernas calls the first provision the “civilian authority clause” and explains that civilian authority is essentially the “supremacy of the law” and a soldier renounces political ambition when he subordinates himself to civilian authority. He calls the second provision the “mark of sovereignty” implying the professionalism which should be inherent in the armed forces as guardians of the majesty of the law. The soldier is expected to divorce himself from politics because he supposedly “finds nobility, dignity and honor in being the guardian of the people and a legitimate government”.(2)

The two other important provisions are Article XVI, Section 5, paragraph 1: “All members of the armed forces shall take an oath or affirmation to uphold and defend this Constitution” and paragraph 3: “Professionalism in the armed forces and adequate remuneration and benefits of its members shall be the prime concern of the State. The armed forces shall be insulated from partisan politics. No member of the military shall engage directly or indirectly in any partisan political activity, except to vote.” This is supported by the AFP Code of Ethics in Article III, section 2.8: “The AFP recognizes the sanctity of its insulation from politics. Its involvement in politics shall be strictly limited to the exercise of its members’ rights of suffrage and in ensuring delivery of ballots to the concerned government entities during election if and when deputized to do so. The AFP therefore pledges not to interfere in any politically motivated activities.”

However, by declaring in Article II, Section 1 that “sovereignty resides in the people,“ the Constitution silently condones rebellion as a means to change government. As this democratic right was aptly described by former United States President Abraham Lincoln, “This country, with its institutions, belong to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember it.” Marcelo H. Del Pilar also said something to the same effect: “Insurrection is the last remedy, especially when the people have acquired the belief that peaceful means to secure remedies for evils prove futile”.

The AFP Code of Ethics in Article III, Section 2.12 also supports this: “The AFP adheres to the principle of democracy that the government is of the people, by the people and for the people. The real power and authority in the governance of the nation emanates from its citizens. The AFP recognizes its role to protect the people and assert its rights to participate in democratic processes in which it is legally allowed to do so, but it shall never allow itself to be used to subvert the sovereign will of the majority neither would it lend its power to stifle the rights of the minority.”

I have a simple interpretation of these seemingly contradicting provisions: “The armed forces shall follow the elected government for as long as the people are fine with it but once the people revolt, the armed forces, being of the people, should go along with them.” Indeed, what if the government turns out that it cheated in the elections? What if the supposedly legitimate government no longer reflects the commonweal, is going against its own people and uses the so-called majesty of the law to hide its corruption and flaunt its powers? If the armed forces continues to protect such government, can we can say that the armed forces is no longer acting as the guardian of the people? What if the armed forces no longer finds “nobility, dignity and honor” in being the guardian?

Our experience in 2001 shows that the Constitution can be conveniently discarded to suit the situation. In other words, the majesty of the law can be ignored to cater to those in power or seeking power without the people’s mandate. In the end, the only justification for rebellion or the extra-constitutional takeover of government is victory. If one fails, he is charged with rebellion and sent to jail. From a constitutional point of view, the AFP leadership in EDSA Dos (i.e., people’s uprising in 2001) was clearly unprofessional. They mutinied against their commander-in-chief who represented a great majority of the Filipino people and they gravely undermined the Constitution. Consciously or unconsciously, the generals preserved the military’s power using a loud and powerful minority as cover against the silent and weak majority. Since there has been no real change in governance and only change in personalities, the action of the AFP leadership in 2001 was misguided and self-serving. They were desperados who merely enabled the trade of one set of crooks and nincompoops for another.

The military’s interventionism in government has created a three-way political power structure in the classic Clausewitzian model composed of people, government and the military. And today, between an inept government and a corrupt military, the people are getting screwed. Church activism in recent years has probably made it four-sided, adding a confusing spiritual element. Though the armed forces is much more in the background today as compared to the martial law period, it has the unobtrusive power to intervene in politics. A strong and healthy democracy, however, hinges on a two-way structure anchored on a contract between the government and the people as embodied in the Constitution. The military should be under the government and not a separate power entity. (See Figure 1)

II. A CONSTRUCTIVE ARMED FORCES
The separation of politics and military is a notable feature of western democracies that was rammed down our throats by the Americans. I think it is time that we question this framework and look at alternative models of governance wherein the military plays a productive role in government and in the development of Philippine democracy.
The power of the government is only as good as it is identified with the good of the polity. What if the government has failed in promoting the common welfare and has committed illegal acts? What if the country is heading towards disaster? Should the armed forces stand idle, detached from politics, and allow the politicians to destroy the country? In a situation of political uncertainty and chaos, what role should the military play? What should it do?

Let me attempt to answer these questions by first drawing a simple, rough model showing the relationship of three variables: government, military professionalism and level of intervention. Let’s call this the GPI graph.
a. There is a direct relationship between how good government is to the level of professionalism in the military. Good government means a professional military and conversely, a professional military implies good government.
b. There is an inverse relationship between the level of professionalism and the level of military intervention. As professionalism increases, the inclination to intervene decreases.
c. There is also an inverse relationship between how good government is and the level of military intervention. As government gets better, the likelihood of intervention decreases.

From these relationships, I see three kinds of roles for the armed forces – passive, constructive and interventionist – depending on the political and military situation.
Role
Environment / Government
Armed Forces
(Not able to reproduce the chart in this blog - Bert)

1. Passive
(Constitutional)
Government is firmly established and robust. Democratic institutions are strong and steady. General political situation is stable
Armed Forces is highly professional. It totally stays away from politics and subordinates itself to civilian authority. It focuses on its defense roles and improving its capabilities

2. Constructive
Government is unstable. Democratic institutions existing but not strong. General political situation is filled with uncertainty.
Armed Forces is semi-professional or undergoing reforms. It prudently intervenes in government but does not take over. It acts as a guardian of the people by being a deterrent to bad government and helps build democratic institutions.

3. Interventionist
Government is weak or illegitimate. Democratic institutions are weak. Peace and order has broken down and violence may have erupted. General political situation is volatile.
Armed Forces is unprofessional or professionalism is low. It takes over government and takes a direct role in politics through a military government, a military-sponsored government or a civilian government that is beholden to the military.

For the situation today, I believe the armed forces should play the constructive role. It is a balanced role wherein it does not stand idle or directly take over government. It is neither indifferent nor destructive. In this role, the armed forces acts within the framework of the Constitution and as a counterweight to an ineffective government of unruly and corrupt politicians to achieve political stability. Further, it acts as catalyst for improving governance and a force for nation-building. If war is too complex to be left to the generals, governance is even more complex to be left alone to the politicians, especially the irresponsible and corrupt.

As a crucial stakeholder in governance and society, the armed forces should use its powers and capabilities for the common good, to deter bad government and promote democracy and development. If the AFP can use its intelligence capabilities to monitor the movements of rebel groups, it can use the same to monitor the activities of corrupt politicians and generals. If it can keep an eye on suspected destabilizers, why can it not check a President or any politician who is cheating an election?

Our soldiers are actually very experienced in this constructive role. The military strategy against insurgency calls for winning the hearts and minds of the people in the countryside. In doing so, the soldiers become involved in the political, economic and social life of the community. When I was the commander of a remote detachment in San Mariano, Isabela, a major part of our counter-insurgency effort was community projects. My soldiers and I were involved in backyard beautification and cleanliness, medical civic action and building toilets and classrooms. I advised the barangay leaders on how to manage the village. Before my unit was transferred, we were talking about cooperatives, markets and farm-to-market roads. Through this exposure to the community and seeing the failure of government, our soldiers undergo a subtle process of politicization that has made them sensitive to the political life of the nation. The participation of junior officers in the coup attempts and in the mutiny at Oakwood in 2004 is largely because of this politicized view.

This constructive role can be elevated to a higher level wherein the armed forces strengthens governance and democratic institutions. In the 2004 elections, for example, I wrote to the AFP Chief of Staff exhorting him to play this constructive role by disallowing and evicting all organizations that use military camps for their political pronouncements and sending a public warning to politicians, including the President, that any violence, cheating or fraud will not be tolerated by the AFP and that candidates cannot use AFP personnel, equipment and funds for the campaign. It was, of course, too much to expect.

In relation to the corruption case filed against Maj. Gen. Carlos Garcia, the Chief of Staff can order the AFP finance office to open all documentary evidence. For the jueteng (an illegal numbers game) scandal, military intelligence is more than capable of gathering evidence to confirm the claims of the witnesses in the Senate hearing. As to Gloriagate (allegedly wiretapped conversations between the President and an Election Commissioner), the AFP has the resources to confirm the authenticity of the purported wiretapped conversation. Indeed, if the AFP is convinced that the President has committed improper or illegal acts, it can quietly send her a message to do what is right for the good of the country or lose its support.

Two factors will inhibit the effectiveness of a constructive role: lack of credibility and a generally anti-people armed forces. First, the AFP has lost so much credibility with the corruption scandals involving active and retired officers. The Oakwood mutiny showed a deep crack in the system, a fault line in the AFP leadership. It does not have credible and trustworthy leaders, not even among the ex-generals who may use the armed forces for their own ends. The Officer Corps has lost its moral compass and is fragmented. Second, having been a pacification army since colonial times, the armed forces has become an “alien force” defending the interests of the ruling elite against the masses.(3)

The masses do not trust the armed forces. If a million squatters today hold a people power at the EDSA Shrine, I doubt if the generals will drop their support for the President and join the masses. National Artist F. Sionil Jose described it best: “This officer corps and the Armed Forces are willing instruments of the oligarchy and worse, when the officers become generals, they also become as rapacious as the members of the oligarchy they serve. In fact, they have themselves become the oligarchs.”(4)

Two inherent risks of this constructive role are the potential abuse of power and unwarranted intervention. Power tends to feed on itself, if uncontrolled, until it becomes so corrupted that a turn-around is very difficult. The experience during martial law all too clearly showed the ill-effects of an overreaching military which has lost touch with itself and the people. It became greedy, corrupt and abusive. To protect itself and perpetuate its power, the armed forces can needlessly intervene using convenient even contrived excuses. To minimize these risks, the armed forces should seek a balance with the people and must always analyze the overarching implications of its actions to society and act with the common good in mind.

But let’s be honest. The armed forces can take over government anytime it chooses and we cannot really do much about it. Sure, there will be condemnation from certain groups and the international community. There will be protests and demonstrations but in the end, if the armed forces persists and it is united, there is not much the people can do against guns and tanks. If it intervenes in a time of political uncertainty, such intervention will most likely be gladly accepted by the people. How long the people can tolerate a military or military-sponsored government will depend on how it is able to govern and fulfills people’s expectations. If unable to do so, there are already existing insurgent organizations throughout the country that can serve as a nucleus for armed rebellion.

Military intervention is a mere power-grab if it only results in a change of personalities in government and there is no real structural change in society, particularly in the equitable distribution of political and economic power. If the intent is really to make society better, then the military government or military-sponsored government should focus on 1) establishing a competent and honest government, 2) building the economy, 3) professionalizing the military; and 4) rebuilding democratic institutions. Of the last one, an important task is to prepare the people for an election and then hold an election as soon as possible. “Preparing” would include disciplining wayward and corrupt government officials; setting up democratic institutions such as political parties and peoples organizations; educating the people about their rights and responsibilities as citizens; and fixing the electoral system.

III. CHALLENGES AHEAD FOR THE ARMED FORCES
A constructive, professional armed forces serves as a buttress to democracy and the Constitution. It serves as the guardian of democratic processes while ensuring that it does not abuse its own power. It uplifts democracy by strengthening the pillars of governance. It will not allow an irresponsible and corrupt government to govern. By being professional, it can pull or catalyze the government and the bureaucracy to become better. Truly, the crucial challenge for the armed forces is how to rebuild itself to a professional and mature organization.

The first imperative is professionalizing the Officer Corps which is the foundation of professionalism in the AFP and the driving force for sustained reform. Among the younger members of the corps, there is an inherent desire to change. Professionalization efforts should nurture this desire by opening up channels for constructive criticism and initiating affirmative action. There must be an organized effort mobilizing the Officer Corps to awaken the generals from their collective self-denial that nothing is wrong with the AFP and to push the chain of command to initiate painful but necessary changes, especially the creation of a performance and merit-based system in promotions and assignments which will ensure that only those who are competent and honest go up. Another key target is the non-commissioned officer corps.

If the officers are the brain, the corporals and sergeants form the workforce or backbone of the armed forces. Besides people, the armed forces should develop efficient, effective and ethical management systems in personnel, procurement, logistics and finance incorporating best practices and new information technology. Corruption through conversion, construction and commissions should be eradicated. It should formulate doctrine – how it should fight – and not use foreign, especially American, formulations which are alien to us.

Part of rebuilding is upgrading capabilities to become a multifunctional force capable of dealing with a variety of military and non-military missions (search and rescue during natural disasters; evacuation of non-combatants like OFWs from disaster or war zones; and developmental activities such as building roads and bridges). Procurement should look into multi-functional platforms, i.e., planes the provide close air support in battle and also deliver emergency medical supplies to remote areas, patrol boats that can also provide medical services to coastal barangays, trucks that can provide covering fire and also evacuate people during floods.

Rebuilding will not be easy and it becomes even more difficult as the armed forces has to also deal with security threats and concerns. Besides political necessity, the security environment is another important reason why the armed forces must rebuild and professionalize. Allow me to divert a bit and briefly explain these security challenges so we can appreciate the enormous challenge facing the armed faces as it struggles to reform as well as perform.

Internally, insurgency is still the major security concern – Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army (CPP-NPA) and the Mindanao separatist and terrorist groups. The communist insurgency is tied to political and economic realities that continue to fuel popular discontent compounded by government neglect and military abuse. On the other hand, the Muslim groups are now linked with other Islamic fundamentalist groups in the region thus broadening the problem. The military approach to the insurgency has been described as a “conflict trap” with “the rebels too weak to defeat the AFP and the AFP too inept to defeat the rebels”.(5)

To get out of this trap, the AFP has to break out of its Martial Law/Cold War mentality with its outmoded approaches. Against the left for example, the Anti-Subversion Law has been repealed and the left organizations have entered mainstream politics with party-list groups in Congress. The military should now learn to deal with them in a different way, one which does not violate its own code of ethics “not to stifle dissent or label principled critique and/or cause-oriented groups as threats to national security and/or enemies of the state as dissent and opposition are important features to ensure a healthy and dynamic democracy”. (Art III, Section 2.20 of the AFP Code of Ethics)

Instead of alienating the insurgents, the government should reach out and engage them, understand their plight, initiate confidence- and trust-building measures and resolve the matter peacefully. The approach must be holistic as a major factor in insurgency is the absence of government in the remote areas where the rebels are strong. All government agencies should be involved in delivering basic services to the people. However, in my experience, there is this “plan-implementation gap” and government services are non-existent or not felt very much in the countryside. The military alone is not capable and its main task is to contain the violence and make the area peaceful and secure so that government can deliver the services to the people.

Externally, global economic integration has changed the rules of international politics and diplomacy and is creating a new international security order between those who are connected to the globalization process and those who are not. Inter-state conflicts have given way to non-state actors, organizations and individuals engaging in terrorism and asymmetric warfare.(6) With the U.S. as the only superpower, the bipolar structure of the cold war is gone and a more “intrusive America” is expected.(7)

In Asia, China’s emergence as an economic and military power alongside Japan is changing the regional security landscape. Likewise, old flashpoints still exist – territorial claims, tensions in the Taiwan straits and Korean peninsula. Erstwhile security concerns like maritime piracy, trafficking of drugs and humans and money laundering have become more sophisticated because of global interconnections and new technologies.

In this new environment, the armed forces should rethink its strategy and outlook of defense-military alliances. We should perhaps explore closer defense and military links with emerging powers such as China and India and strengthen relations with neighboring countries in Southeast Asia. These alliances will provide the first line of defense and give us breathing space as we rebuild our national defense. We should likewise develop a self-reliant defense posture to design strategies and indigenous military technology so we can defend ourselves using our limited resources and also maintain our national self-respect by not depending too much on other countries for our defense requirements.

This twin challenge of rebuilding and dealing with security concerns will take a lot of the AFP’s organizational strength. Change will question age-old perceptions and established norms. It will pit people against one another with regard to ideas, concepts and approaches. There will be tremendous resistance to change. The existing command structure and social order will be disrupted and challenged. However, with the right combination of commitment, organization, leadership and management, the challenge can be met. The armed forces must hold firm, stay united and keep its eyes on the objectives in order to accomplish the mission to change.

CONCLUSION
We pride ourselves as a democratic nation. But our democracy is a sham as politicians manipulate the system to perpetuate themselves in power. How can we even think that we have a democracy when elections, the very soul of democracy, is being perverted by the very public officials who should protect the sanctity of the ballot. Democracy is also not just all about having elections or a Constitution. It is also about having the active and sustained participation of the people through democratic institutions like barangay assemblies, people’s organizations, trade unions and political parties. The armed forces can play a constructive role by safeguarding the elections from fraud and by promoting peoples organizations rather than spying on them.

Democracy is also not just the freedom to vote or the freedom of speech or religious freedom. It is also about being able to live with pride and dignity. It is also about economic freedom enabling the practice of these rights. How can one vote if he cannot afford to go to the polling station? How can one practice his religion when he cannot afford to go to church or has to commit sin to feed his family? How can one practice free speech if he cannot even read the newspaper? The government must be able to improve people’s lives so they can exercise their freedoms. The armed forces can play a constructive role in preserving these freedoms by educating the people of their rights and responsibilities as citizens for nation building and engaging in developmental activities to support the national program for economic development.

Ngayon, nagtitimbang na naman ang mamamayan. Hindi natin alam kung saan talaga tutungo ngunit nararamdaman natin na kailangang magbago ng landas para sa kapakanan na ating bayan. Alam din natin na hindi nararapat ang mga tiwaling pinuno sa pamahalaan, na kapag hinayaan natin sila ay wala tayong matatanaw na magandang kinabukasan. Alam natin na kailangan ng ating bayan ng mga pinuno na magaling, matatag at mapagkakatiwalaan. Subalit hindi na tayo nakakasiguro kung sino sa mga pinuno ngayon ang nararapat. (Now, the people are weighing their options. We do not know where this will lead but we feel that there is a need to change the direction for the welfare of the country. We also know that corrupt leaders should not be in government, and that if we allow them to stay in power we will not have a bright future. We know that country needs leaders who are competent, strong and trustworthy. But we are uncertain as to the who among the leaders are deserving.)

In this period of uncertainty, it is time for the armed forces, as the protector and defender of the people, to play a constructive role so that the nation can alter course with the right leaders and build a true democratic society so the people may have a firm hope in the future.

(This paper was delivered at a meeting of the Philippine Constitutional Association [Philconsa] last June 21,2005 at the Manila Polo Club. A former Philippine Army officer who served as Special Assistant to the Secretary of National Defense, the author is now working abroad as an executive for a conglomerate.)

Notes:
1. Jarque, Jose Rene, “Metamorphosis of Idealism”, Army Journal, June 1991.
2. Bernas, Joaquin, in a speech entitled “Supremacy of Law and Mark of Sovereignty”, delivered during the Annual Convention and General Membership Meeting of the Philippine Military Academy Alumni Association on 22 Jan 2005. Published in The Cavalier, March-April 2005.
3. David, Randy in a speech, “The Philippine Army Through the Years” delivered during the Philippine Army Senior Leaders Conference, March 2005.
4. Cited in “Frankly Speaking”, Philippine Graphic, Dec 29, 2003 – January 5, 2004, Vol. 14, Nr 29/30
5. Morales, Ricardo Col., “Transforming, not Reforming the AFP”, Opinion/Columns, INQ7.net, 27 Oct 04
6. Barnett, Thomas P.M., The Pentagon’s New Map: War and Peace in the 21st Century, Berkley Books, New York: 2004.
7. Almonte, Jose, former National Security Adviser, speaking at the Asia-Pacific Security Conference, as reported in the Philippine Star, Feb 24, 2004.

© 2004 Bulatlat ■ Alipato Publications
Permission is granted to reprint or redistribute this article, provided its author/s and Bulatlat are properly credited.
http://bulatlat.com/news/5-21/5-21-constructive.htm

"I either want less corruption, or more chance to participate in it." - Ashleigh Brilliant, 1933"

"There is no higher RELIGION than human service. To work for the common good is the greatest creed.'' - Albert Schweitzer, 1875-1965, German Born Medical Missionary, Theologian, Musician, and Philosopher

WHY OUR HOMELAND DID NOT INDUSTRIALIZE WHEN IT COULD

WHY OUR HOMELAND DID NOT INDUSTRIALIZE WHEN IT COULD

(US State Department. Policy Planning Staff Secret Paper PPS-51:  U.S. Policy Towards Southeast Asia)

Hi All,

Been sorting out my books for donation back home which included "A Documentary History: America in Vietnam."  While browsing it, I came across a document marked "SECRET", PPS-51 prepared by the US State Department back in March 29, 1949. This Paper defined the initial, post-WW2 US position on Southeast Asia.  Soon, US foreign policy during the Cold War incorporating PPS-51 officially became NSC 68.

What caught my attention was not so much that PPS 51 was a secret document but the fact that it contained the objective of America in our region and that of course includes our homeland.

During the 1960's student activists, the few nationalist politicians and businessmen wrote and shouted rhetoric about American imperialism/neocolonialism designs for our country.

Back then, we seem to hear or read what seemed to be allegations (no documented proofs) of a grand design:

Uncle Sam to keep our country agricultural, a source of raw materials for export and discourage industrialization.

Somewhat related, I remember during a job interview by Esso aka Exxon about being asked my opinion on whether the Philippines should go into petrochemicals manufacturing.

This Secret Paper PPS-51 is a proof of that grand design. Of course, it worked only because of the mendicant attitude and Americanized minds of our national leadership, then and now.

Hereunder are selected parts of PPS 51:

1. To define US policy toward Southeast Asia, including Indochina, Burma, Malaya, Siam and the Philippines.....

76. We should accept the fact that the crucial immediate issue in Southeast Asia --that of militant nationalism in Indonesia and Indochina --can not be resolved by any of the following policies on our part:

(1) full support of Dutch and French imperialism,

(2) unlimited support of militant nationalism, or

(3) evasion of the problem.

80. In order to minimize suggestions of American imperialist intervention, we should encourage the Indians, Filipinos and other Asian states to take the public lead in political matters. Our role should be the offering of discreet support and guidance. Politically, Japan should be kept in the background.

81. We should seek vigorously to develop the economic interdependence between SEA, as supplier of raw materials, and Japan, western Europe and India, as suppliers of finished goods, ...To achieve these ends we should emphasize primarily the fourth point of the President's inaugural address. Every effort should be made to initiate and expand programs of technical assistance both through bilateral agreements and through international agencies. The propaganda value of the President's fourth point should be exploited....

- Source: Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1949, VII, pages 1128-33.

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NOTES TO READERS:  Colored and/or underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked posts/articles. Forwarding this and other posts to relatives and friends, especially those in the homeland, is greatly appreciated. To share, use all social media tools: email, blog, Google+, Tumblr,Twitter,Facebook, etc. THANKS!!
Click the following underlined title/link to checkout these Essential/Primary Readings About Us Filipino Natives:

Primary Blog Posts/Readings for my fellow, Native (Malay/Indio) Filipinos-in-the-Philippines

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NOTE: To those who wonder "why dig the past": We engage in revisiting and revising our past, i.e. historical "revisionism", to develop new emphases and raise new questions on assumptions and explanations for key historical issues and policies --given by our former colonial master America, government officials and authors of history books, then and now.

In our homeland's case, we can not afford a "balanced" approach to historysince in the past and present years, our homeland's history, as it refers to Philippine-US relationships, has been imbalanced in favor of the Americans, who as far as we baby boomers can remember, are only "the good guys" and "do-gooders" in history.

It is time for us, especially for Filipinos-in-the-Philippines to recover our history, a nationalist history, which necessitates uncovering the lies and myths about America; since the American arrival into and 50-year occupation of our homeland, the sweet nothings about "Philippine-American Special Relations", etc. perpetuated through our school textbooks, mass media, government pronouncements, Filipinos with Americanized minds, etc.

We Filipinos, here and abroad, past and present, relied and continue to use official explanations that lead only to our ignorance of hidden truths and knowledge of untruths, thus perpetuating the post-WW2 neocolonial conditions that brought only worsening impoverishment to the native (Indio/Malay) Filipino majority; foreign control of the national economy and the dwindling of our national patrimony.

”We gave the Philippines political freedom to enter the world family of nations, but did we give them internal political liberty? More important still, did we grant them economic freedom?”  – Harold L. Ickes, longest tenured U.S. Secretary of the Interior (1933-1946)

"The chief business of America is business" - President Calvin Coolidge, 1925

"The glory of the United States is business" - Wendell L. Willkie, 1936

TWO CATHOLIC CHURCHES
Denis Murphy works with the Urban Poor Associates.
this story was taken from www.inq7.net

“Religion is excellent stuff for keeping common people quiet.”- Napoleon Bonaparte

“RELIGION. A daughter of Hope and Fear, explaining to Ignorance the nature of the Unknowable.” - Ambrose Bierce, 1842-1914, American Author, Editor, Journalist

"To the degree that organized religion has decayed and the attachment to the Judeo-Christian tradition has become weaker, to that degree capitalism has become uglier and less justifiable." - Irving Kristol, 1979

I SAW two very different faces of the Catholic Church last Independence Day. In the morning, I went with thousands of others to the Folk Arts Theater for the kick-off of "Pondo ng Pinoy" [Fund of the Filipino], the centerpiece of the Manila Archdiocese's social action program. Most of the people there were young, and the music was theirs, including song and dance numbers by the Six Priests in the City group. The atmosphere was upbeat, joyful, optimistic. There was little talk of politics, good or bad, conflict, danger, struggle, oppression, heroism, risk or opposition.

In the evening, I attended a ceremony in which Bishop Julio X. Labayen was inducted into the Bantayog ng mga Bayani, the Wall of Heroes that honors those who struggled for justice against the martial law government. Joey Ayala sang of old heroes. I sat so close to him that I could hear the notes echoing off one another in the guitar. Most of those present were older people, relatives of the dead who died in the struggle or friends of the bishop.

Pondo ng Pinoy is basically a savings program to which rich and poor contribute. The money raised will be spent on the needs of the poor. Such saving, with the education and formation work that will go along with it, will help create a culture of unselfishness and love and help unite the different levels of society, speakers said. It will give dignity to the poor who will also contribute the 25 centavos a day the program calls for. It is supported by a theology Archbishop Gaudencio Rosales calls the "Theology of the Crumbs," after the parable in Luke's Gospel of the rich man called Dives and Lazarus, the poor beggar at the gate of the rich man's house.

Bishop Labayen spoke of the tensions and heartaches in the Catholic Church of the martial law years, of the salvaged dead and the need he had in the 1970s to add a justice and peace desk to the National Secretariat for Social Action (NASSA) to deal with the mass arrests, killings and the wholesale abuse of human beings that took place then. There was danger and heroism enough for a lifetime.I remember how meaningful the Mass was then, including one officiated by the late Bishop Mariano Gaviola in the streets of Manila’s Tondo district with the poor of ZOTO who had tried to march for land and had been dispersed by the police. They came back discouraged, wounded, but the Mass gave them courage once again. No wonder, the Mass itself was born amid danger, intrigue, raw political power and courage.

The theology most recognized by the Christians in those days was the Theology of Liberation, which motivated people to come together to struggle for their fundamental rights and needs. Its main parable was Exodus: God saw the Jewish people suffering under Pharaoh; He freed them and brought them to the Promised Land "flowing with milk and honey."Martial law tore every institution apart, even the bishops' conference. "It's not easy to love the Church. You pay the price," Bishop Labayen said. He was referring to his rejection by many bishops who wanted him out of NASSA because they suspected he was leftist and "no longer a Catholic bishop.

"So there are two faces of the Catholic Church. A friend said, "Pondo ng Pinoy is strong on theology but not so strong on sociology. The martial law Catholic Church was in danger of confusing the two." Not everyone would agree. Compared with the 1970s and 1980s, the Church now seems to ignore politics, and at least at the Pondo ng Pinoy kick off, it didn't speak much of the deeply entrenched injustices in society, danger and conflict.

Perhaps the martial law Catholic Church had an excessive care for politics and to that extent, it forgot other dimensions of the Gospel. I remember, for example, how in 1970 Bishop Jose Maria Querejeta Mendizabal of the southern province of Basilan, who was then on the board of NASSA, begged the social action directors of the country's dioceses to include the words "Christian love" in their annual statement along with their denunciations of injustice. It was not included, if I remember correctly.

It is of course the same Catholic Church, but why are the differences so great? Has the church really meditated on the lessons -- good, bad and sad -- of the martial law years and built upon those lessons? Has the church gained over the years from all the sufferings an essential wisdom concerning poverty alleviation that it must cling to and act upon? Is there continuity or not?

Perhaps the seeds of continuity are found in the decision of the 1991 Second Plenary Council of the Philippines to become the Church of the Poor. The martial law Catholic Church justly sees this decision as a vindication of its work, as was mentioned that night at the Bantayog ng mga Bayani ceremony.To be the Church of the Poor is clearly the No. 1 goal of the present church. The question is, what does this mean here and now in this country with so much poverty and injustice?

Denis Murphy works with the Urban Poor Associates.

URL: http://www.inq7.net/opi/2004/jul/14/text/opi_commentary1-1-p.htm
Posted:11:05 PM (Manila Time) Jul. 13, 2004 By Commentary

“There is no higher RELIGION than human service. To work for the common good is the greatest creed.'' - Albert Schweitzer, 1875-1965, German Born Medical Missionary, Theologian, Musician, and Philosopher

‘I helped the poor and they called me a saint, I asked why they were poor and they called me a Communist’ – Brazilian Bishop Helder Camara

“Religion is the sigh of the oppressed people, the heart of the heartless world, and the soul of the soulless conditions, it is the opium of the people.” – Karl Marx

"As capitalism rose, the idea of the poor being dear to God changed to the idea of the poor having lost favor with God." - S. Prakash Sethi, 1980

“The parable of the Good Samaritan teaches us a hierarchy of values: man comes first, and the Sabbath second. Public, social and ecclesiastical institutions exist for man, and not the other way round. We, like the Samaritan, must first of all see the man, his status in society notwithstanding, his splendid clothes or pauper's rags notwithstanding.” – Fr. Victor Potapov, Rector, Russian Orthodox Cathedral

BALITANG BETERANO: SPECTER RP-U.S. RELATIONS
MANILA, May 29, 2004 (STAR)
By Col (Ret) Frank B. Quesada, Former Senate Committee Secretary, Veterans and Military Pensions; Associate, PMA ‘44

(Foreword This is an ungenial treatise based on reality. It will not please the thin skinned and the Pharisees, so to speak) But the truth must be told.

The history of Philippine-American relations has been described as a sham, so to speak. While such relationship “withstood our sacrifices in World War II and the generosities of peace” thereafter, in truth is but synthetic. Such “truth has an underside and roughness.”

In reality dependence on the U.S. self-seeking interests is quite abundant. No one could better describe such cognation than Gen. (Ret.) Carlos P. Romulo, who was a respected diplomat, a fellow WW-II veteran, and was in the general staff of Gen D.. McArthur in the USAFFE, and later became the first Secretary General of the United Nations.

Distinct Discrimination
Up until the time he passed away, Gen. Romulo, was among the distinct victims of discrimination in the military. Why? His name does not appear in the roster of Fil-Am World War II veterans. (See: Roster of Veterans) He was a top honcho in the USAFFE. Facts show that Filipinos were mistreated by the U.S. Army as “second class soldier” in the USAFFE and as subordinate war veterans after they have fought for the U.S. flag, and American interests, although Filipinos fought with valor just as any of his white comrade foxhole buddies who equally suffered in the face of the enemy in World War II.

America, have spoken before the society of nations in language of equal liberty and justice – and equal rights. But here is a glaring example of duplicity and double talk. However, members of the USAFFE believed that no one has ever deceive the whole world, nor the whole world have deceived anyone. They suffered from it, and learned the meaning of an empty pleasure by the authorities to deceive the hapless.

In their shameful and un-conditional surrender to the Japanese Forces, have made themselves indomitable. They celebrate the Fall of Bataan and Corregidor each year in the Philippines - not in defeat but triumph over morality and truculence. Against a foreign enemy, and within. Lessons they learned in that war – has been wealth to the have-nots, wisdom to the youths, and great solace and comfort to themselves who saw the face of God in sacrifice.

Scourge of Racism
Racism was, and still is indeed the rust that corrodes the steel of Democracy, that smash a forsaken nation which veterans bled for and died for in a covetous war. What a paradox?
Taksil na ingrato pa !

When I was Senate Committee Secretary of the Senate Committee on Veterans and Military Pensions, I discovered and noted that Gen. Romulo was not listed in the roster of veterans of the USAFFE, and was a “deleted” war veteran - along with genuine Filipino WW-II veterans like Gen. Ernesto Mata, who held the island of Negros for almost four years as guerrilla leader against the Japanese invaders.

Unbelievably, there are thousands of Filipino heroes of WW-II who were also victims of the army’s carelessness and differentiation like former ambassadors, namely: Amelito Mutuc, Oscar Ledesma, Salvador P. Lopez who wrote world-renown master-piece, “Bataan Has Fallen” in the humid tunnel of Corregidor shortly before the American surrender of Bataan. Other ambassadors deleted from the roster were:Ambassadors: Agustin Mangila, Emilio Bejasa, Pacifico Evangelista, and Roberto Benedicto. They all fought with honor but disgraced by the omission. ( See: RRGR).

There were also two associate justices of the Supreme Court whose names were also barefacedly deleted: Querube Macalintal, and Fred Ruiz Castro. And one senator, Gerardo Roxas. All of them were bonafide U.S. servicemen but whose honorable military service in WW-II in the Philippines were recklessly unrecognized. They are only a minute fraction of the total number of 404,796 veterans unrecognized after they honorably rendered military service in the U.S. Army. And there were 121,000 names of these heroes unjustly deleted in the roster of the Army by the AFWESPAC for either racial and economic discrimination.

Distinct Asperity
This is a distinct example of the roughness off Fil-Am relations (for half a century uncorrected by the authorities) which have resulted to uneasiness and disappointment among Filipinos [as American nationals] who were conscripted - by Pres. F. Roosevelt under an un-numbered Military Order, dated July 26, l941.They were made to fight a war not of their own but of a war of United States against Japan. (See: U.S. Supreme Court decisions on Insular cases). And afterwards rashly betrayed by Congress in 1946, when they passed the notorious Rescission Act that took away their wartime-earned compensation and benefits without justification.

Alay sa mistulang Alipin
In the frontlines and bloody battles in Bataan and Corregidor, their pay were lower than their American fox-hole buddies which was no less a slave pay. And after the guns of war became silent - these intrepid heroes were further mistreated by Congress by talking away their GI Bill of Rights benefits under the dastardly passed “rider” in the First Surplus Appropriation Rescission Act of 1946, under a “racist policy” of the 79th Congress.

This critical perception - was no less a vile act that defected the will of the decent American people. Decent Americans taxpayers have disfavored such injustice. And which has been repeated and paralleled the sloven virulence perpetrated against the Negro and other minorities since the last 200 hundred years under the white-man’s burden.

Human Rights for Whom?
The scourge of barefaced discrimination in a country that beats the drum, and shamelessly imposed human rights and justice as a world constable – have spawned more opponents and enemies that hated high-handed arrogance. What terrorism against the U.S. we see today is a product of yesterday’s arrogance of power.

“The conviction of the justification of using even most brutal weapons is always dependent on the presence of a fanatical belief in the necessity of the victory of a revolutionary new order on this globe.” Said A. Hitler. In public discussions and in schools, “they confront whether such American ideals are best for the whole world and if they are such an arrogant for other nations to trust our sincerity and goodwill.”

Concerned citizens doubt whether those political or moral values are best for other countries. Jalmar Pfeifer, of late, stated that “America tries to impress the rest of the world. But when it makes other people that their country is not as good, it upsets other people and they hate America for it.”

He upset some Americans by the use of the word “arrogant” to describe Americans. However. Pfeifer stressed that “ Americans should be cognizant that other people – even those nations that support the U.S. – do not believe that the U.S. should impose its values on other countries or cultures.” One other American said, “There are untold axes to grind and we have to stop it. We have to look at it with human eyes toward human rights, not imposing American ideals.” said Nicolas Grainger.

Harvest of What was Sown
A great number of citizens, however agreed that one major hurdle toward acceptance of U.S. goodwill is that parents of some Middle East nations teach their children early on to hate the U.S. and Israel , and that by being a suicide bomber is heroic. This, however, is an offset of a myopic foreign policy. of the past now a harvest what has been recklessly sown in the past

This would take years to fix because it involved winning the hearts and minds of those whom were hurt. The real goal of war in Iraq in the eyes of war veterans – winning the hearts and minds of the Iraqis, Not through bullets but with adroit and assiduous governance. The lone voice of realistic and practical diplomacy by Sec. C. Powell was rescinded by a so-called foreign relations gang of yes-men of the powers that be. He truly knows the ravages and consequences of war as a soldier. But he was overwhelmed by a myopic unsparing gang of cowboys.

It was the hypocrisy which was the artifice of foreign policy of his peers in government what vices fed misconceived morality. There’s no shelter to self-confession but felo de se and self-ruin is admission of guilt. False pride noblesse oblige, precedes destruction. Today’s battle against terrorism world over was the fruit of yesteryears of blind self-importance and presumptuous imperialism.

“Pride that dines on vanity sups up on contempt.” said B. Franklin. We are now paying the high price for yesterday’s intolerance and formalism that have murdered religion. Likewise frightens the clodhopper with his spectre.

Misplaced Chastice
Not contented with inequality, instead of correcting inequity in pay and allowance of the UAFFE, Congress unjustly authorized payment of benefits at a “baratillo” rate of fifty cents [1/2] to the dollar, which again placed the Fil-Am veterans in the category of a “second class,” trashy and valueless war-veteran of the U.S. Army, while their comrades continued to enjoy full benefits. Thus, such situation provided proof of a subtle “caste” system” here in America, worse than that in India. Instead of correcting this travesty of justice , more insult followed by offering to pay only one half (1/2) of the entitled pay and allowances to the Filipino soldiers.

What kind of minacity was it? Avidity and fear of nescience. Wealth alone has never been possible without the cooperation of everyone on this world. It has no price for it but life. No nation, hence has no premium for haughtiness and corrupt of power. After all, money can not buy divine faith in God of any decent citizen. And peace.

Unending Oppression
And in the following 40 years after WW-II, these hapless, aging and sickly veterans were acutely made to wait years while most of them died - for their trifling naturalization - but only as a consequence of guilt and rue to placate veteran’s ruffled feelings that had spread with the conspicuous effect it had in the national security of both countries. Up until now, over half a century of truculent mistreatment, the nagging issue of payment of the unsettled claims for unpaid benefits now totaling no less than $3.2 billion - has been the object of suitable amnesia under a white man’s burden.

Retarding Payment - Troublesome
Delaying payment of these veteran’s rightful wartime earned compensation and benefits have saved billions of dollars – which could have settled to pay the country’s constitutional debt. But to no avail, and shamelessness out of the 200,000 conscripts by Pres. F. Roosevelt in 1941, only less than 30,000 survivors are dying of disease, age and want. They continue as victims of exclusionary legislations by segregationists in Congress. Veterans die with umbrage in their hearts for having been deceived and defrauded by a supposed ally that made then fight a war not of their own. The pain of their wounds from combat and the demise – was less grievous than the perfidy of a comrade.

FRIEND OR FIEND?
Ralph Waldo Emerson, an American sage - said to wit: “A friend is a person with whom I may be sincere. Before him I may thin aloud.” Gen. Carlos Romulo viewed it this way: to wit: “To his kind of friendship, particularly in Filipino folklore , there is a significance larger than that involved in the sincerity that illuminates and inspires it. Because we have a saying in Tagalog: ‘Ang pagsasabi ng tapat Ay pagsasamang maluat; or translated into contemporary idiom: 'A sincere dialogue Guarantees a long association'.

“As you will see, The Filipino mind not only associates sincerity with friendship but also with continuity of friendship. The value of friendship, is not the immediacy or its presentness; on the contrary, that value is in the longevity in its ability to challenge time.” To the American mind, appears the opposite. It has been an acrimonious practice and policy for them to pay off any mistake with the almighty U.S. dollar, Such “cash register diplomacy,” disregarding the hurt and injury caused by such mistake and barefaced intentional discrimination. ( See: Fil-Am Relations; Golay)

The Almighty Dollar
The dollar is grudgingly used to butter up and remove the pain and suffering. But has been absent in the case of the Fil-Am veteran’s exclusion from their rightfully earned benefits and property right to compensation for actual services rendered. In contrast, Filipinos have regarded Fil-Am relationship valuable not in terms of dollars and cents. They recognize the past American tutelage in self-government and democratic ideals, more specifically about equality, which was concretely learned from Americans during the Commonwealth era. And as a loyal ally in the Second World War. All these were understood and held exegetic, secure in the context of history as a true friend.

Sapul pa, mababa na ang tingin at turing ng Amerikano sa Pilipino

As a colonizer, have exploited the Philippines and its people. American politicians has been singing a discordant tune. Such irritants have caused the post-war Filipinos critical of the Fil-Am relations, after seeing especially how the Filipino veterans had been truculently betrayed and mistreated. In my generation, along with Gen. Romulo “were inclined to look with impatience on America’s pointless misconduct which we can not overlook.”

“My generation has had the closest contact with America was not without memories, and discern the contrast between our present and in the 1900s, and the past 1800s was so remarkable that the tyranny it knew in the earlier Spanish regime increased in cruelty, in retrospect and, in that, in direct proportion to the opportunities in freedom that the country then began to enjoy.

“And our sons and daughters [the new breed], learned to discover for themselves the new face of insolent America after World War II. They learned that the freedom Filipinos won in 1946 had not been as ungrudgingly awarded by America as they were made to believe .

“They were to know the in plenteous detail that independence for Filipinos was an idea that had strong and influential opponents in America. That President Manuel L. Quezon, rose to power precisely because he could unify the country against that opposition. And that Gen. L. Wood was an excellent champion of American interest likewise was a staunch enemy of Philippine autonomy. “And that history gave a lie to all the America propaganda as we all know .How long could Bataan have held against the Japanese without the Filipino soldier - in strength, nearly a hundred thousand of them as against America’s alongside six thousand men.”

Abject Lesson Learned
What did our sons and daughters learn from that? The abhor insolence since the time of Spanish colonization. And also under the American regime that have also been a precursor of haughtiness. The gospel truth unfolded in 1941, when the Japanese invaded the Philippines. American propaganda was unmasked. They saw the myth of American invincibility utterly destroyed; saw the American flag hurled down by the enemy. They saw the American shameful and ignominious surrender to the under-rated but obdurate Japanese invader that proved shadowy.

“And the historical logic of which was already evident when the first shot was fired in 1941 -- American ships in Philippine waters were ordered by Washington to proceed to Java, thus abandoning the Philippines to its fate.”

The much-bruited about 8-mile convoy of supplies from the U.S. mainland for the USAFFE defenders in Bataan and Corregidor was diverted to American white cousins in Europe. And it was reported at the suggestion of the then, Col. D. Eisenhower to sacrifice the Philippines in World War II to the Japanese. Consequently, leaving the USAFEE defenders to fend for themselves after surrender under the iron heels of the obdurate enemy.

One million Filipinos needlessly died from this American misadventure in the Philippines. This abandonment of the Philippines brought out that famous doggerel, :the “Battling Bastards of Bataan” which was in every lips of the forlorn Filipino-American USAFFE defenders orphaned by the U.S. authorities in favor of their American cousins in Europe. which ran this way, to wit: “We’re the batting bastards of Bataan. No papa, no mama, no Uncle Sam. No aunts, no nieces, no cousins. No pills, no planes, no artillery pieces. And no body gives a damn!”

President Manuel Quezon, in his frustrating moments candidly told Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt and Gen. Douglas McArthur, upon seeing the Filipino-American soldiers and civilians without proper protection because of American inability to support the USAFFE – with much anguish emotionally said, and I quote: “The fate of a distant cousin (meaning Europe) to be saved by America, came first, while a daughter (meaning the Philippines) is being raped in the backroom.!" emphatically said Quezon.

Verity of Quezon’s statement caught Roosevelt and McArthur off-guard. It unfolded Europe as the white-aired boy over the Far East. Justice, it was said – has been no virtue that is quite great, and God’s gift to man. But in this case, it was not the sum of moral duty of Roosevelt. It was cloudy. Quezon was then quite right - but was invincible in defeat.

The Philippines was sacrificed, and the USAFFE withered in the vine in Bataan and Corregidor His defeat, in such case, under Roosevelt, in our eyes was more triumphant than victory. He died as a great patriot – it was a pity that he could die only once to serve his countrymen even in exile in Saranak Lake in the U.S. before the liberation of the Philippines in 1945. Quezon died fighting the war and tuberculosis.

Orphaned and Abandoned
“Thus, anything - during the Japanese occupation was, in the context, the Filipino’s ordeal during the liberation [1945] did not conceal the fact that the Filipinos, in a crisis, could take care of itself and its leaders could stand against insurmountable obstacles to defend the interest of its people.” During the siege of Bataan by the overwhelming Japanese troops of Gen. Masaru Homma – the USAFFE’s gallant defense was doomed for a shameful defeat. However, they vowed to fight to the last man, without America’s succour.

Phantasmagoria of Dreams
It could be said at this juncture that only rumors sustained the morale of the helpless USAFFEs for weeks in the soggy foxholes of Bataan as well as the humid tunnels of Corregidor, until the gradually realized that their existence was more of a mirage that made their lives bearable. “That much-bandied 8-mile convoy of equipment and war supplies expected had been made of dreams ships. What we did talk about by day – we dreamed about by night. “And in moments of respite from the fighting there were said to have bared their souls. Romance is stronger disease and hunger.” said Gen. Carlos P. Romulo, the last man off Corregidor before the shameless unconditional surrender of the USAFFE by the U.S. Army. The USAFFE therefore was a wretched pawn of America in the Far East. And the Filipino people were expendable in favor of Europeans.

Foreign Meddling in State Affairs
“The initial severity with which the entire issue of enemy collaboration with the enemy was handled by the Americans after the war, viewed now after many years, was utterly out of proportion to the manner which Washington treated those soldier who defended American honor in Bataan. They appeared nothing but like any expendable PX item worthy for the trash bin.

Prisoners-of-War Accused of Collaboration
In my stint, as Senate Committee Secretary, Veterans and Military Pension, I have seen and had enough of the insolent, lordly outgrowth of outré. Fellow veterans came to me with tears welled in the eyes, bellowing their hurt of being accused of treason as prisoners-of-war, albeit coerced by the enemy as forced laborers. Some sorrowfully offered to commit suicide rather than live with a label and stain of collaboration which was untrue.

Man’s inhumanity against fellow man makes thousands mourn. But in reality, injury inflicted has been much sooner forgotten than the sharp insult . Their pay and benefits were effaced and withdrawn without due process. Such endless pursue was the non-captivating molestation of a vulnerable and prostrate soldier suffering from their wounds of war they were made to fight under “involuntary servitude” (sans paying them due compensation) no less demoted as a slave.

Equity has no Meaning.
Ask any “Battling Bastard of Bataan” and the Filipino guerrillas who fought shoulder-to-shoulder with these intrepid Filipino soldiers. And they will tell you that there was no atheist in any fox-hole. Both Filipino and American soldiers were just but the same target of the Japanese son of the Bushido that showed no mercy or compassion to all of them. There in Bataan they (both Filipino and Americans) were all equals in the face of the enemy. But after the guns of war was silent, and peace was won – the Filipino soldier was reduced to a lowly peon, undeserving of full compensation and rightful benefits. Why?

Ugly Head of Discrimination
As long as they are indentured and without equity, the were treated as cannon fodders. (peons), explicitly forbidden under the Amendments to the Constitution. These are the fathers, uncles, cousins and brothers of the new generation who discovered how their parents were mistreated after the war - therefore have nursed grievances against recreant and inexonerable nation who feigned to be a friend and ally.

New Breed Devoid of Gratitude
In every age and regime, there are vile specimens of human character , such a demagogues found in society. Over a half a century of barefaced parody - the travesty of justice marches on under a misogynistic dereliction in the halls of Congress, whose members were elected and sworn by the taxpayers, to provide justice and liberty for all its citizens, and nationals. Gratitude is a duty which ought to be paid, which the recipient have the right to expect.

“What is more hard to bear than the reverse of fortune It is the baseness ingratitude of man and government.” said Napoleon I. Most of them, after many years of peace, most politicians have found the license and personal franchise and to excesses in hugging the slippery pork which they could keep for their own disposal, disregarding the nation’s constitutional debt to the Fil-Am U.S. Army veterans.

Peacetime Hunger of Power
Power corrupts, absolute power corrupts without bounds. And greater the power, the more dangerous is its abuse. The ugly head as a favorite pastime of snobbery once more showed potency above morality. For fraud has always been the ready minister of injustice. In a type of democracy we have, society prepares the sin, and the politicians simply commits it with impunity. These breed have discovered the House a haven for excess power. and of rascals. In reality - have shamelessly been raiding the national treasury of pork they keep for themselves. American taxpayers are helplessly wide awake to this fleecing of the nation.

Will of the Decent People.
Frustrated Americans only rely on divine intervention can seemingly end this madness. “Inequality dwells in the upper class in society, and vulgarizes the lower class, lastly brutalizes the lower class.” according to M. Arnold. The End Time is just around the corner, and careless politicians have not yet learned the meaning of thanklessness and gratitude to fellowmen who sacrificed their lives and property for the flag – so others may live in freedom and fairness.
God save America ! # # #
http://www.newsflash.org/2004/02/tl/tl012367.htm